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International Relations>Tribal Identities Published: 5 Sep 2006
By Proud Dzambukira
A posting in response to a public debate on the Washington Post's PostGlobal on tribalism. The discussion is still on, visit the website and participate.
 
The Question from PostGlobal's David Ignatius was:
-------------------
Prime Minister Nuri al-Malaki held a tribal summit in Iraq, a tribal murder set off rioting in Pakistan, and tribal feuds continued to roil Central and East Africa.
Are tribal identities becoming stronger as nation states weaken?
What, if anything, should "good" government do about tribes?
----------------------

My Response, also posted here:

The basic problem in statehood is maximizing the benefits of size -- understood both physically as well as ideologically -- while minimizing the costs of heterogeneity. Various economists, including Alesina and Spolaore use these criteria to determine the optimal size of national jurisdictions. The intuition behind this reasoning is: Individuals and groups will associate until the benefits of scale equal the costs associated with heterogeneity.

Starting from the recognition that no one survives in solitude, societies have evolved by creating concentric layers of associations, varying in size and function. These shape peoples’ identity. When a top-level layer collapses, such as when a nation state fails or inadequately provides public goods, it is inevitable that the inner layers, which could be tribal, become stronger to compensate for the loss. As many readers have argued, as nation states weaken then, tribal identities, among other forms of association, often strengthen.

In looking at the second question, the subject of Harvard professor Robert Putnam's work on social capital provides some useful pointers. Putnam's main thesis is that " the quality of public life and the performance of social institutions are … powerfully influenced by norms and networks of civic engagement" (Putnam, R. D. (1995) Bowling Alone: America's Declining Social Capital , The Journal of Democracy, 6:1, pages 65-78). Furthermore, he attempts to prove that in America social capital is in decline. Local level associations and informal community ties are decreasing, he asserts.

There is a striking connection between strong tribal ties and their associated benefits and what Putnam identifies as community connectedness. As a result we find ourselves in an uncomfortable position where people have a lot to say about the evils of "tribes" which are a form of local level organization, while also conceding that the strength of democratic political institutions depends on the extent of civil engagement and community at the local level. The latter is buoyed by the findings of some international development organizations in Africa that local level community organizations, usually along "tribal" lines, can be a powerful complement for sustainable development.

Thus the solution to the apparent contradiction -- which is also the answer to those who decry the "arbitrary" borders in African states -- is to recognize that the economies of scale that come with size, do not only accrue when the motivation of associating is similarity. In fact, within the binding constraint set by heterogeneity of preferences, different groups or tribes can still come together and reap even greater benefits with increasing scale through greater diversity and improved specialization. The key is to nurture local level groupings, community associations and tribes as necessary partners and complements to the wider social grouping that may be a nation state.

The problem is that governments usually perceive tribal identities as rival and competitors to the state and thus seek policies to crush them, which might only ferment tensions and retard growth. An equally mistaken knee jerk reaction by outsiders and some insiders is to pin the blame for strife on differences, be they in language, religion or ancestors, and advocate for secession and smaller more homogeneous political groupings. As any economist would say, correlation is never synonymous with causation. In fact, strong tribal identity in highly heterogeneous states experiencing internal conflict, from all we know, could well play the same role that iron does -- both can be conveniently turned into weapons -- which hardly implies that they ought to be done away with because they are useful for other purposes too.

The irony of all this is that, in the meantime, richer countries increasingly seek greater benefits of scale through regional integration such as in the EU, regardless of their tribal differences.

Comments for this article
 
Response to Criticism of Tribal Identities piece

Thursday, September 07, 2006

6:16 PM

From the Debate on PostGlobal by a reader named daniel:

It also surprises me that people who approach this problem economically seem remarkably, well, stupid. People talk about economic incentives to get tribes to enter into larger relationships, become part of larger national entities--and if the transaction costs of entering such a relationship are too high, well then the process breaks down and we have tribes opposed to one another again. I find this economic view stupid--even cowardly and degenerate--precisely because the concept of transaction costs is highly subjective and precisely because most people are cowardly and self-indulgent they will protest that virtually the cost of everything is too high. For example you have John married to Sally and then wanting to divorce Sally because the costs are too high to stay married to Sally when really all Sally expects is that John get off his lazy ass and get a job. I suppose what I am trying to say--and from the artistic perspective--is that the costs of sustaining a society are always too high and that precisely is life. Artists have always known to integrate disparate elements is an incredibly difficult task and entails much suffering and sacrifice, but that is the price paid for artistic achievement--for culture creating power. Economists have a different view, I suppose--which is strange because economics is the dismal science and should be allowed to be quite truthful (actually there is much truthful economics and I am only taking a shot here at a particular perspective). To be absolutely clear, economists might want to keep transaction costs down so different parties easily unite and do not complain transaction costs are too high, but they can never really keep such costs down because uniting, developing, creating society always entails suffering and self-sacrifice. Quite simply you can propose all the economic solutions you want, but to get tribal identities to be more amenable, to get people to work together, you have to expect them to be quite self-sacrificing--and just perhaps their children will have better lives (but they too must be prepared to be noble and self-sacrificing in turn for the future).

Pasted from here

Proud's response:

I agree with Daniel that for the purposes of abstraction in building models economists sometimes employ amorphous concepts such as "transaction costs" that might be perceived as "subjective". I also agree with him that in this case trying to approach this problem with the classical understanding of "transaction costs" might be problematic. However I disagree that an economic viewpoint is completely useless.

A more basic economic concept such a "constrained maximization" might be a more useful tool. Recognizing, as Daniel has in his last statement, that there are private gains when entities (individuals, clans, tribes, nations etc) get together, as well as costs or sacrifices, is enough to build a powerful economic framework to understand the problem. If the pain from Sally's nagging and the costs of having a job are not at least equally compensated for by the joy John derives from his association with her, then perhaps he should move on -- the same would apply to Sally, if the pain she feels from nagging John and enduring his laziness are not compensated for in some way in the relationship, then she should divorce him. At the risk of harping at the point; if artists are not rewarded by "culture creating power" that is at least commensurate with the "suffering and sacrifice" they endure, I doubt if they would be any – though some might claim the opposite. The point that I am trying to make is that in your recent post Daniel, you are too quick to judge economics harshly when in fact the spirit of your own points are very economic in nature.

It helps to know the benefits and costs that motivated people to associate in order to come up with a solution when some centripetal forces drive them apart. It seems to me that while many people emphasize similarity; difference -- and its associated virtues such as different specialized skills, diversity of thought and ideas etc -- also had a role in bringing societies together. Thus I think it is rather absurd that people advocate breaking down multi-ethnic or multi-tribal societies into more "homogeneous" groupings for homogeneity's sake. In addition, from what a lot of readers have been saying and the extremely broad definition of "tribe", encompassing religious, ethnic, language and even economic cleavages, I doubt that it could be possible to create a satisfactorily homogeneous society.

Daniel, the observation that you make that in "the most successful of these larger entities--the successful democracies--are actually breaking people down into individual units--so you can say we have the double process of uniting various tribes then breaking everything down into individuals" is precisely the problem that Robert Putnam identifies in his book Bowling Alone and associated research on social capital.

 
Posted by Anonymous on 7 Sep 2006, 21:26

I agree with Proud, more so after reading about the expulsions of Arabs from Niger http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/6081416.stm

 
Posted by Anonymous on 24 Oct 2006, 21:04

Well I don't know about the other countries but in mine, The Democratic Republic of Congo, the problem with tribes is more linked to the government policy to favor one tribe over the others. Kabila's regime for example favored Swahili speakers and established Katangeses (people from the province of Katanga) at the head of most public companies/societies which caused a little excess of proud from Katangeses and jalousie from other tribes. I mean that if the government have a totally neutral policy towards all tribes, this tribal problem would actually vanish, maybe not disappear totally, but at least not to the point of killing each other.

that's my opinion though

 
Posted by Freuk on 25 Oct 2006, 00:17

I have to agree with Freuk the problems with ethnic division and tribalism are just as rampant in my country Kenya. Tribalism overrides any sense of nationalism, prior to colonialism tribal structure served as places where members turned to elders for assistance with various problems whether family or economic, with the arrival of colonialists came division of people with complete disregard of the set structures. Certain communities got elevated over others e.g. The Gikuyu gained governemntal posts and dibs for good land, good schools, good jobs and so on.The struggle for Independence was faught by the Mau Mau who encompassed people from Gikuyu, Embu, Meru, Kamba and other tribes. Today we are still struggling with battling the pull of the tribe in employment, education, and politics. We are still trying to wrestle with the idea that 'Its not about what you know but who you know' as Chinua Achebe put it in his book 'A Man of The People'.
 
Posted by Anonymous on 8 Nov 2006, 11:11

Sophisticated and interesting debate. Having tribes, like having families, clubs, districts, provinces, and even countries, is not the problem. A tribe, in this reductionist intepretation, is merely a unit of organization based on some features that may include ancestry, geography, language etc. The problem is in tribalism - unjustified discrimination on the basis of tribe. And the crux of the debate should be on what 'unjustified' discrimination is, for there is justified discrimination otherwise known as preference e.g. that i look after my parents but not yours, i love my wife and kids and spend much on them when my money could do more good for others unrelated to me. The philosophical literature known as 'ethics of care' is an interesting starting point on understanding 'justified discrimination'.
 
Posted by Anonymous on 21 Nov 2006, 15:48

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