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International Relations>North Korea's Nuclear Test Published: 15 Oct 2006
By Lisa Tenjiwe Moyana
A discussion of the response by the United States to North Korea's reported Nuclear test.
 

It is my opinion that the United States’ reaction to North Korea’s nuclear weapons test is hypocritical and inappropriate. Firstly, the United States is one of the largest holders of nuclear weapons in the world at this time. Given the manner in which the United States manages its foreign affairs with very limited consideration of the “international community� and the UN’s opinion, as shown by George W. Bush’s track record, the USA could easily be as dangerous as North Korea is perceived to be.

If anything, the United States has taken on the self-assigned role of global policeman and caretaker, assuming the responsibility to attack sovereign states at its own discretion or make strong threats against countries whose domestic and foreign policies it does not like. The seemingly auspicious imperative of protecting “national interest� has become the byword of US foreign policy. Recall that, before suspicions of North Korean weapons testing were even raised, in January 2005 Condoleezza Rice had already declared North Korea an outpost of tyranny on the basis that “ America stands with oppressed people on every continent�. At this time, no mention was made of nuclear weapons or tangible threats to international “peace and stability�.

Secondly, the United States has used its influence and military power, much against the wishes of the so-called “international community�, to attack a sovereign state - Iraq. While I do not advocate for the previous Saddam Hussein administration, the United States’ blatant disregard of the United Nations when its own interests conflict with that of the rest of the world must be noted.

To illustrate this point more, the US itself has largely ignored the UN disarmament campaign. The United States openly refused to submit its war criminals to the International Court of Justice while it does not hesitate to advocate for persecution of dictators who have committed war crimes in the same Court. Charles Taylor’s indictment in The Hague, passed by a unanimous vote of the Security Council, is a case in point. Lastly, as already mentioned, the US resolutely ignored UN condemnation surrounding its unilateral invasion of Iraq. All of these examples reveal duplicity on the part of America.

I find it absurd that a country that holds no respect for both the United Nations Peace Charter or for the “international community� now thinks it acceptable to champion the causes of the aforementioned and use these organs to invoke retreat from nuclear weapons development in North Korea.

Over the past couple of years, I have found myself repeatedly puzzled by a question that these recent events evoke: What does “peace and stability� really mean? Since North Korea’s action has been declared a threat to global “peace and stability�, an objective definition to set the terms of understanding this accusation and help legitimate any disciplinary action by the “international community�. Whose peace and whose stability? I raise these questions, not to condone North Korea’s actions necessarily, but hopefully to jolt the reader into realizing how much the rhetoric and, as it would seem, the formulation of foreign policy is informed on one hand by “conventional wisdom� that few really understand and, on the other, driven by the self-interest of the world’s most powerful nation.

Does “peace and stability� include military campaigns to oust governments that are “opposed to democracy�? For example, since Zimbabwe was labelled an “outpost of tyranny� whose leader was seen as an impediment to the advancement of “equality and democracy�, would launching a military attack on the Zimbabwean government constitute an action defending “peace and stability�? Whose peace or stability would be under threat in such a case?

Or does “peace and stability� mean that there should never be any threat to the interests of the major global economic and political powerhouses? I am certain that a military threat to areas in Africa would not be seen as a threat to global “peace and stability�. There is a danger in accepting sweeping, abstract statements and employing them as tangible reasons to support or oppose an action, opinion or interest group.

I agree that the world has its fair share of nuclear weaponry and there is no need for more, but the harsh condemnation that befalls those who develop nuclear intelligence or engage in actions that threaten the “international community� should be applied equally to all nations, with the same expectations of compliance as well as equal consequences for non-compliance.

Comments for this article
 
I totally agree with Tenjiwe. I think the use of "international community", is used to refer only to a few countries. Likewise, global security refers to the "peace and stability'-however it is defined- of those few countries that constitute the "international community".

 
Posted by Anonymous on 16 Oct 2006, 07:46

I agree that the US hardly has the moral credibility to lead the international outcry over North Korea's nuclear weapons testing program. I also agree that there seems to be some confusion on the part of Western countries, where their "interests" and the “best interests� of the rest of the world are taken to be always congruous. However, my fear of your arguments is that they lie too close to a crippling moral relativism.

The question of exactly whose "peace and stability" is threatened by North Korea's action is certainly valid, but might be of less importance than other valid reasons for putting diplomatic pressure on North Korea. For instance, Kim Jong-il, a reclusive and unpredictable autocrat, is audaciously pursuing a nuclear weapons program and living a lavish life while his people continue to starve, neither of which, in my opinion, promote world safety or the welfare of the people of North Korea.

 
Posted by ranga on 17 Oct 2006, 02:30

It seems to me, rather that dwell on the obvious question of what the appropriate response to the North Korean crisis should be, which is articulately expressed by Ranga - the force of Tenjiwe's arguments actually lie in a, perhaps related, but entirely different and equally important area. At the heart of Tenjiwe's remarks is a reminder of how global special interests and their hegemonic force direct global diplomatic relations.

What value is there in grieving too much over this though? We have always known that the authorship of history belongs to the most powerful - furthermore, for as long as the writing of the history of our times is a dynamic process, it is inescapable that “peace and stability�, among other things, will be defined from the perspective of the US. Bush has never been shy to admit that the national interests of the US trump everything else - that is exactly what won him his re-election, among other things!

One consolation for the weaker nations in Africa and the rest of the world is that another inescapable fact about history is that it is continually under revision, so the tide might yet turn. Another is that African states could always work over their differences, consolidate themselves and challenge the hegemonic thrust of the West. This challenge need not be in the plain of “values� or “religion� such as in the challenge of some Islamic states - that path has shown itself to be fraught with danger and might be impossible given the diversity in Africa - but via an alternative path where they can, for example, push the envelope on what “peace and stability� means for them.

 
Posted by Anonymous on 18 Oct 2006, 14:21

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